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Donald Trump made headlines this week when he questioned whether Republican House Speaker Paul Ryan wanted him to prevail over Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton.

“Maybe not,” Trump told Good Morning America on Tuesday. “Because maybe he wants to run in four years… or maybe he doesn’t know how to win. I mean, who can really know?” Trump said.

The view that Ryan “doesn’t know how to win,” however, neglects the reality that both Ryan and Clinton share a progressive, globalist worldview, which is at odds with Trump’s “America first” approach. Indeed, both Clinton and Ryan have said that they see themselves as representatives not only for American citizens, but also for foreign nationals and foreign interests. This view that the needs of foreign citizens are equal to the needs of American citizens reflects the belief that Americans are only part of many interest groups that a lawmaker ought to consider when crafting legislation—even as he or she negotiates with other countries, which always put their citizens first.

Both Clinton and Ryan view being American as an intellectual “idea” rather than a national identity, and both support the donor-class’s agenda of open borders, which—as Bernie Sanders has explained—essentially amounts to “doing away with the concept of a nation-state.”

The open borders, internationalist worldview of Clinton and Ryan stands diametrically opposed to the “America first” agenda of Donald Trump, who has pledged that the needs of America and her citizens—not the desires of foreign interests—will be his priority.

“On trade, on immigration, on foreign policy, the jobs, incomes and security of the American worker will always be my first priority,” Trump has said. “America first will be the major and overriding theme of my administration.”

The overwhelming similarities between the goals of establishment leaders in both political parties and the goals of their wealthy corporate donors recently prompted far-left Green Party presidential nominee Jill Stein to denounce Hillary Clinton as a “corporatist” and the face of “#TheNewRepublicanParty.”

“Both Democrats and Republicans are funded by big corporate interests,” Stein wrote, noting that these members of Washington’s “uni-party” are united in their shared desire to advance the goals of their wealthy donors rather than the desires of the people. Stein and her party have argued that the Democratic and Republican parties that “cuddle up to Wall Street and special interests” essentially “agree on [a] neoliberal agenda” of “globalization… [and] austerity for the rest of us.”

The divide between progressive globalism and nation-state conservatism perhaps helps to illuminate why Ryan has spent months both quietly and loudly undermining his own party’s nominee for president.

Similarly, the morning after the second presidential debate, Ryan held a conference call with his fellow House GOP members to announce that he would no longer defend his party’s nominee. Political commentators observed that Ryan’s announcement immediately overtook that day’s news cycle, which otherwise–commentators argue–would likely have been about Trump’s largely well-received debate performance against Clinton. Some suggested that it seemed as though Ryan’s announcement was done with the goal of “intentionally hurting Trump.”

Nationally syndicated conservative talk radio host Laura Ingraham blasted Ryan for his “maddening” decision to singlehandedly turn a news cycle that would have been about Trump’s “masterful debate performance” into “a story about himself on a moral high horse, looking down on the plain of all the plebes.”

Just prior to Trump’s cinching the Republican nomination, Ryan indicated to Capitol Hill reporters that he disavowed Trump’s campaign pledge to enforce U.S. immigration law. Ryan also made clear that he would not include Trump’s signature policy platforms on trade or immigration in the House GOP 2017 policy agenda. A recent report by The Atlantic spotlighted how Ryan, to this day, continues to oppose Trump on a wide range of issues from entitlements to infrastructure, to trade, to foreign alliances, to immigration, and to crime.

After Trump won his party’s nomination, Ryan dragged out his decision to endorse Trump for weeks—leaving voters with the distinct impression that Ryan does not consider the choice between Trump versus Clinton to be an easy one.

Beyond simply what Ryan has said to seemingly undermine Trump, it’s also a matter of what Ryan has not said. For instance, Ryan has scarcely discussed the WikiLeaks revelations regarding Hillary Clinton or the pay-for-play tactics of the Clinton Foundation. Nor has Ryan forcefully spoken out against Clinton’s declaration to Goldman Sachs that Americans who want to limit immigration are “fundamentally un-American”—an astonishing statement given the fact that according to Pew polling data, 83% of the American electorate would like to see immigration levels frozen or reduced.

Instead, Ryan has seemed much more aggressive in attacking Trump during interviews about the election than he has been in going after Hillary Clinton.

In fact, Ryan has frequently given fuel to many of the corporate media’s narratives against Trump—by not only refusing to defend his party’s nominee against his critics, but also by subsequently joining in on the left’s pile on of Trump after the nominee was forced to fight back against his critics himself.

For instance, as the corporate media was giving round-the-clock coverage to the Khan family’s attacks against Trump for wanting to curb Islamic migration, Ryan opted to join in on Clinton’s pile on against the Republican nominee.




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